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appears sometimes as the bearer of the Sun9 or on other occasions is identified with it. Orion's belt was also identified as three deer in northern, and probably also in central highland, Mexico. The Pawnees knew a constellation of three deer that seems to be Orion's Belt, although these could also be Belt, Sword, and Betelgeuse, or the Hyades (Chamberlain 1982, pp. 136-137).

The turtle-deer-fire-drill equations with Orion's belt should not be regarded as contradictions but as complementary relationships appropriate for different occasions. Chamberlain (1982, p. 68) points out that Morning Star (Mars) was a more important deity to the Pawnee than was Sun, who was merely his assistant, whereas Sun was the deity who generated the tremendous number of human sacrifices among the Aztecs. Again, we seem to be dealing more with a difference in emphasis than in concept. Indeed, Kelley (§12.12) has argued that the Aztec patron deity Huitzilopochtli was a form of Mars. The fact that the Sun was thought to give life and that life had to be given to the Sun in return was typical both of Mesoamerica and of the Pawnees. Although they did not sacrifice humans to the Sun, they did sacrifice dogs, which were then made into a stew and eaten (Murie 1981, pp. 163-164). Both dog sacrifices and the eating of dogs are typical in Mesoamerica (cf. particularly the Nuttall codex, p. 17). Eating dogs is rare in other parts of North America.

Another interesting parallel lies in the practice of associating goddesses with the west and gods with the east. This is supposed to be typical of the Pawnee, although they recognized that their "eastern" Morning Star, Mars, moved into the western sky and joined his (captured) bride, Venus, the "western" Evening Star. The western Moon goddess was certainly in no way restricted to the west. See Chamberlain (1982, p. 47 et passim) for further discussion. Among the Aztecs, the Cihuateteo or God-Women (patrons of childbirth) were assigned to the west (Brundage 1979, pp. 173-174).

All forms of ceremony seem to have been associated with sacred bundles, in Mesoamerica as among the Pawnee, but our knowledge of Mesoamerican bundles is much less. Some "cache deposits" in Mesoamerican tombs may represent such bundles. There are frequent representations of bundles on Mayan pottery, but some of them probably represent tribute rather than sacred objects.

Chamberlain (1982, p. 101) seeking visual clues to the identity of the star-gods had difficulty with the two deities "Black Star" and "Big Black Meteoritic Star." "Black Star" is identified by the Pawnees as Lord of the Animals. Among the Aztecs, this role was held by the black god, Mixcoatl; another black god, Yacatecuhtli, "Nose Lord," was lord of merchants. However, there is substantial overlap between them. Kelley (1980, pp. S22-S25) has identified these two black gods as Saturn and Jupiter, and he suspects that the Pawnee black god is probably Saturn as well. Chamberlain thought that the color-directional stars should more appro

9 See the Borgia codex, p. 38, for the deer as the bearer of the Sun; among the Maya, see Thompson (1950, p. 230) for an example of the Sun disguising himself in a deer skin.

priately be identified with fixed stars. Although we cannot be certain, we do not think that identification as a planet necessarily precludes a parallel identification as a fixed star. Conceptual identities that are foreign to modern scientific enquiry were common in many groups.

Among the Pawnees, the celestial Sweat Bath was particularly associated with the "Black God" of animals and with healing ceremonies (Murie 1981, p. 158). Among the Aztecs, the sweat bath was euphemistically called Xochicalco, "Place of the House of Flowers." A terrestrial Xochicalco lies southwest of Cuernavaca in Mexico and plays an important role in mythology. A host of lesser sweat baths are known. The mythology of Xochicalco suggests correspondence with a celestial sweat bath, but we know of no direct documentation of this. In any case, the ceremonial importance of sweat baths is another feature common to Mesoamerica and the Pawnees (and, of course, many other cultures).

Chamberlain (1982, pp. 122-126) has drawn on unpublished material of Alice Fletcher that indicates that not only was the house a miniature cosmos, but also the layout of a series of 18 Pawnee villages was believed to replicate the astronomical relationships of 18 stars. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to check this material archeologically because the precise locations of the villages are not known and the sites may have been destroyed.

Murie (1981, p. 155) gives an interesting account of a ceremony known as the Twenty Day ceremony in Squash Vine Village. Then, a man from another village participated and asked permission to give it at his village. The other villages were given permission to use an adapted version, with 30 days instead of 20 and "could not use the star symbols, the mud woman, or the head of the water monster image." This account is remarkably illuminating as to the ways in which ceremonies must have changed with time, and with passage from one group of people to another, even within a reasonable homogeneous culture. At a more specific level, if we knew only of the derivative 30-day ceremony, it would simply suggest a lunar month, which might easily have arisen anywhere. The 20-day ceremony, however, is reminiscent of the 20-day intervals that Mesoamericanists call "months" and that separate the festival of one god or set of gods from another. Clearly much of such a 20-day period might be devoted to preparatory ceremonial. In Mesoamerica, there are 18 such periods in a year (plus five extra days, the unlucky "nameless days") (see §12.2). The apparent association of these 18 periods with asterisms is considered in §12.22. The combination among the Pawnees of a 20-day ceremony and 18 major stars is strongly reminiscent of the Mesoamerican calendar. Although nothing indicating the actual use of that calendar has been found north of Mesoamerica, we seem to have here two of the components in a different conceptual setting. Corresponding details provide good evidence of contact, even when other details are markedly different.

Another notable feature of Pawnee star lore is a star map, possibly the most accurate map by any indigenous group in the Americas. The map has been studied repeatedly, the most extensive published study being that of Von del Chamberlain. However, an unpublished study by Dee Beattie

(1989) indicated that the degree of correspondence of star patterns on the map to actual stars in the sky was much greater than had been recognized previously. Chamberlain (1982, p. 205) points out that "the star patterns that appear on the chart are generally reversed from their actual appearance on the sky," that is, the map convention corresponds to our terrestrial maps, made to look down on, rather than to our celestial maps, made as if one was looking up at them. This is, then, analogous to those celestial spheres that depict the stars on the sky in a God's eye view, from outside. Beattie (1989, p. 21) suggests that the map was done in "segments depicted at different moments over extended time." She shows that inverted star charts of the west quadrant as viewed in early evening in July, the east quadrant in December, and the northwest quadrant in November, when inverted begin to resemble the Pawnee map much more closely. Beattie indicates that other apparent anomalies are due to the particular conventions of painting, which the map maker used. This, of course, hardly makes it more readable for us, but star knowledge was not democratically shared among many peoples, and the use of a map only portions of which provided correspondence with the sky at any one season supports the idea of hidden knowledge by a cadre of select star readers.

Beattie also claims, however, that the supernovae of 1572, 1054, 1006, and 393 are depicted. If this were true, it would suggest a tradition of map-making by Pawnee ancestors extending back to at least the 4th century, and maintained with an accuracy sufficient to identify them on current maps. Because the supernovae of 393 and 1006 were both located at a declination —40°, their depiction raises some interesting problems. For an observer at latitude +50°, this area of the sky would barely be visible above the southern horizon and then only for a brief instant, although both altitude and duration of visibility during the night would improve at lower latitudes. The altitude question would be especially important for observations of the supernova of a.d. 323, because it had an estimated visual magnitude of only about -1 at greatest brilliance (see Table 5.8 and §3.1.2 for a discussion of the effect of altitude on visibility). The depiction of this region of the sky on Pawnee maps in itself is interesting, implying either borrowed knowledge or knowledge gained from more southern ancestors.

The Skidi or Skirl division of the Pawnee are the "Wolves," associated with the Wolf Star, Sirius. Chamberlain (1982, pp. 101-104,128-129, 96) has suggested that Sirius is the "White Star" of the southwest but rejects Dorsey's statement that Wolf and Clouds are associated with White Star; instead, he favors Murie's view that they are associated with "Red Star," and indeed he suggests that the original Wolf Star might have been a Red Star, which, in terms of his identifications, would completely throw off the color-direction symbolism. In spite of Chamberlain's discussion, it seems to us that if Wolf and Clouds are associated with Red Star and Wolf Star is Sirius, then Sirius should also be Red Star. In fact, this is probably just one more example of the widespread view that Sirius was once red. It seems widely accepted by those who have studied the Pawnee that "Wolf Star" and "Fool Wolf" or "Wolf he is deceived" or "He Fooled the Wolf Star" all refer to Sirius. Kelley finds it incredible that "Wolf Star" and the opposing meanings should be accepted as identities. The usual explanation that the Wolves (Skidi) confused the star Sirius with the planet Mars seems utterly unlikely; the possibility of a nova or supernova depiction has not yet been investigated. Careful observers, particularly those interested in these two bodies, are not likely to have confused Sirius, already at this time white in color, and ~11° S of the ecliptic, with a red, wandering Mars, closer to the ecliptic.

The map-making tradition of the Pawnee seems to reflect a different pattern from that suggested by the evidence of Mesoamerican cultural influence. It may be related to reported Lakota star maps and a ceremonial tradition that appears to have its roots in the Plains possibly over 2000 years ago.

Besides those already mentioned, the Pawnee are reported (Chamberlain 1982) to have had the following asterisms:

(1) Two Swimming Ducks (in Scorpius)

(3) Rabbit (Cassiopeia?)

(5) Real Snake (Scorpius)

(6) Chiefs in Council (Corona Borealis)

(7) Two Stretchers, with medicine man, Wife, Errand Man, and dog (Ursa Major and Ursa Minor with Alcor as the dog)

Waldo Wedel (1977) has shown that a series of archeo-logical sites in central Kansas indicate probably deliberate astronomical alignments in a context similar to that of the Pawnee. The sites have been assigned to the Wichita, linguistically close relatives to the Pawnee, and roughly dated to the late 17th century. Relevant features have been revealed by excavations at the Tobias site (Wedel 1967). An ellipse has been dug surrounding four oblong basins that were dug into the ground around a large firepit. This pit was at some later point covered with a low mound. The ellipse had an approximate alignment to summer solstice sunrise and winter solstice sunset. The oblong basins were apparently the remains of semisubterranean houses aligned to the four cross-quarter points (rotated from the cardinal points by 45°). Excavations at two other nearby sites (the Paul Thompson site and the Hayes site) suggest a very similar layout, except that the two ellipses were aligned on each other and on the summer solstice sunset—winter solstice sunrise line. None of the alignments are of demonstrably high precision, undoubtedly due in part to destruction by plowing and erosion. The two lines intersected at 246 feet from the Tobias site and 2460 feet from the Paul Thompson site. The ratio of 1:10 is suggestive of deliberate intent, and it may bear some numerological speculation. If a unit of about 8.2 feet was used, the above distances would be 30 and 300 units, respectively, and Hayes site would have been south of the Paul Thompson site by about 781 units (6404.2 feet, compared with 6506 feet measured). The synodic period of Mars, an object important to their Pawnee relatives, is 780 days whereas, 30 is reasonably suggestive of a lunar period. This is probably stretching; however, it does seem reasonable to suppose that the positioning of these sites was deliberate and that the distances, as well as the directions, may have been conceptually important.

13.3.2. Siouans

Although it has been widely supposed that Siouan star lore has largely disappeared, a recent study by Goodman (1990) shows this is untrue, particularly for the Lakotas. Moreover, a combination of existing ceremonies, myths, and star lore suggests strongly that the roots of this tradition have been local for more than 2000 years. Goodman (1990, p. 2) writes,

Members of our project have been interviewing Elders for the last eight years. Our purpose in gathering this knowledge is to create curriculum materials for Lakota students at the elementary, secondary, and college levels. Our goal is to give the stars back to the People, most especially, Lakota young people. Nevertheless, there is a willingness to share this knowledge with non-Indians, so that they (through learning how the Lakota experience the earth's sacredness) will be inspired to seek out and recover their own traditional ways of knowing the earth—not as dead matter spinning in empty space—but rather, as our very mother, a living and a holy being.

The subtitle of Goodman's work is Studies in Lakota Stellar Theology. A great deal of the material is a reconstruction, often based on combining materials from several informants. The end result is often convincing, but it should be borne in mind that the goals are far from the search for balanced alternatives so dear to conventional scholarship.

The two most striking features of this Siouan star lore are a one-for-one identification of a series of asterisms with geographic features of the Black Hills of South Dakota and Wyoming, and the fact that spring ceremonies were associated with the belief that the Sun had entered the asterism Dried Willow. This corresponds with stars of Aries and Triangulum. Because of the precession of the equinoxes (§3.1.6), the spring equinox would have been near Dried Willow between about 1500 b.c. and 200 b.c. The summer solstice is said to have occurred when the sun was in the Bear's Lodge, part of which was formed by Castor and Pollux and equated with the peak now called Devils Tower. This tower was an ancient site of the Sun Dance, performed near the time of the summer solstice. Charlotte Black Elk describes a three-month journey through the Black Hills, starting at the spring equinox at Dried Willow and traveling to the Bear's Lodge at the summer solstice, replicating the journey that the sun took over 2000 years ago (Goodman 1990, pp. 38-40). This was done by a group representing the Siouan confederacy. It was not always done every year, but occurred at least every 7th year, which was said to be marked by some planet. The most likely would seem to be Mercury.10 The journey went through the positions of "the race course" or "sacred hoop," a circle of stars that was also identified as the base of the Sweat Bath. The fireplace of the Sweat Bath consists of five stars "above Regulus"

10 This interval is 7 years x 365 days/year = 2555 days, and can be compared with the interval of 22 synodic revolutions at 116 days/rev = 2552 days. More precise intervals are 7 x 365.2422 = 2556.70 for the solar interval and 22 x 115.88 = 2549.36 for the Mercury interval.

(Goodman 1990, pp. 15, 23). This large asterism is, of course, reminiscent of the Pawnee, as is the identification of the Big Dipper with a stretcher carrying a dead man, accompanied by mourners (Goodman 1990, p. 22). The southern star in Orion's belt is a turtle (Goodman 1990, p. 38), and the familiar and widespread association repeatedly discussed elsewhere and nearby is Pe Sla, "the center," identified (l.c.) as the northern star of Orion's Belt but shown separately on the map (Goodman 1990, p. 29).

The way in which Earth was supposed to mirror the sky at a broad level was also involved in an identification of a tipi as a cosmic model, with the poles representing particular stars—a close parallel to the Pawnee earth lodge concept already discussed. In this context, the idea that the medicine wheels may represent both stellar imagery and the 28 poles of a medicine lodge seems entirely appropriate (see §6.3.1.1). This imagery apparently extended also to social organization. The Siouan groups had a series of clans, each of which had its appropriate seating place, an animal name, and an association with a particular star. Presumably, the animal names were also associated with asterisms. Most of them were divided into moieties of Sky People and Earth People.

A central feature of Lakota beliefs is a series of stories about the hero, Fallen Star, whose father was of the Sky People and mother was of the Earth People. He was the son-in-law of a chief who lost his arm (there is a parallel account in Mesoamerica). The chief's hand is an asterism formed by the Belt of Orion as the wrist, the Sword as the thumb, with Rigel marking the end of the index finger and b Eridani as the end of the little finger. How this corresponds to hand asterisms elsewhere is not clear, but the location is appropriate for the hand shown with depictions supposed to be of the supernova of 1054. One of the tasks of Fallen Star was to recover this lost arm for his father-in-law. It seems likely that Fallen Star is a planetary hero. It is interesting that he is said to have changed into a wren (Goodman 1990, p. 26), for this is reminiscent of European bird-lore (see §6.2.8), as well as Navaho accounts of the opponent of Thunder Bird. These isolated similarities may well be happenstance.

It is of substantial interest to note that stars may belong to more than one asterism and that the identity of an aster-ism may change according to the particular story of which it is part. These different conceptualizations seem to be perceived as complementary alternatives rather than as contradictory traditions.

One of the more remarkable items to emerge from Goodman's studies is the discovery that at least two Siouan star maps were in existence in the recent past (Goodman 1990, p. 18), although one of them vanished following the federal takeover at Wounded Knee in 1973. Unfortunately, neither map has been published; so we do not know how closely they resemble the Pawnee chart.

We have some important astronomical and cosmological information on other Siouans. Red Corn (William Matthews) of the Peace Moiety of the Osage (now in northern Oklahoma) provided a diagram (Figure 13.10) that shows planets, asterisms, world levels, and other notable features, including the Tunnel through which the ancestors emerged from the underworld.

Figure 13.10. An Osage drawing of the cosmos. Drawing by Sharon Hanna.

From our viewpoint, this is puzzling, because the Osage say that their ancestors came from the stars (Miller 1997, pp. 33-34). Like other Siouans, they identified the Big Dipper as a funeral bier.

At present, little in the archeological record of the Siouans can be directly linked to astronomical ideas, but the extent to which earthly matters were regarded as a reflection of happenings in the sky suggests that eventually we should be able to recognize at least some linkages of this sort. A mass burial (with 12 individuals surrounding a central burial of an individual) in a tomb of the Hopewell culture, which Kelley suspects may be ancestral Siouan, may be an example of such linkages.

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